Serbia
The current political situation in Serbia can be described in terms of low-intensity conflicts. The ruling conservative Serbian Progressive Party faces several structural problems. First of all, the change in the international context, first Biden’s victory in the United States and then the withdrawal of Angela Merkel from the position of German Chancellor, weakened Serbia’s global position. In such circumstances, and under pressure due to the lack of desire for dialogue on the Kosovo issue, the Serbian nationalist ruling class again reached for the card of nationalism.
Current Situation
Introduction
The current political situation in Serbia can be described in terms of low-intensity conflicts. The ruling conservative Serbian Progressive Party faces several structural problems. First of all, the change in the international context, first Biden’s victory in the United States and then the withdrawal of Angela Merkel from the position of German Chancellor, weakened Serbia’s global position. In such circumstances, and under pressure due to the lack of desire for dialogue on the Kosovo issue, the Serbian nationalist ruling class again reached for the card of nationalism. Following the example of Putin’s Russia and the creation of the so-called Russian world, which would include all countries from the environment that Russia wants to influence on from the ruling party in Serbia, the idea of a Serbian world was launched, which would include all those countries where Serbs make up a significant minority. Besides Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro has become a hotspot of Serbian nationalist engineering. With the help of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which has important political influence, the money from Serbia was a key factor in the triumph of the Serbian nationalist opposition in the Montenegrin elections. It didn’t stop there, so with a significant investment in the purchase of weapons, Serbia again started threatening the countries in the western Balkans region with the new war. First of all, Croatia and second, undermining BiH from inside through the Republika Srpska. This brings us to a situation where relations with neighbouring countries have been at their lowest level since the end of the wars of the 1990s, so the media often hears the thesis that we are on the brink of new wars. Hungary and Erdogan in Turkey are the only allies in the region for the ruling party. At the domestic level, nationalism is used by the right-wing government and the opposition, which is essentially in the position of aggressive nationalism but without expansionist aspirations. The regime uses its position, practically without opposition in the parliament, to place various dubious investments and install dirty technologies, first with the Chinese company Ling Long and then with the Australian company Rio Tinto for the extraction and exploitation of lithium. This provoked mass protests and roadblocks and even blocked the border crossings by environmental NGOs and directly endangered citizens. To which the government responded with partial repression in which environmental and minority NGOs were targeted. The attacks are aimed at individuals and groups that the government traditionally considered hostile. NGOs that fight for human rights. As a soldier for the attacks, the regime uses right-wing groups under its control, which, in indiscriminate violence, attack not only those who target the regime but also their NGOs, which spread to NGOs defending human and minority rights and the LGBTQ population. In a situation where the pandemic has been going on for three years, when the health system is burdened, and inflation affects the poorest sections of the population, the situation is suitable for the rise of the far-right and populist movements. Unfortunately, there is no organised political force that can articulate these problems. The elections that will be held in the spring will not shake the regime or the ruling party, and thus not the far right, which works for the regime and does business with them.
Status of the far-right in the country
There is no great risk of indigenous far-right violence, as the regime and the ruling party keep most far-right groups and organisations under their control. However, traditionally, minority groups and organisations (Roma and the LGBTQ population), as well as immigrants, are endangered. On the other hand, the presence of the far right in the public and media is consistent. Representatives of far-right organisations associated with the regime are often in the media. Since the ruling party was formed by splitting the far-right Serbian Radical Party, some of its officials are also very close to far-right ideas. They even gave far-right individuals positions in the administration. The best example of this is Arno Gujon, who in 2012 was even the presidential candidate of the identity movement in France, after which he founded a “humanitarian organisation” that helped Serbs in Kosovo. In 2020, he was appointed Secretary of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The far-right groups and organisations act as an extended arm of the regime in Serbia, and that is why they are freely allowed to organise and develop.
Groups and organisations
Belgrade & Novi Sad Nationalists
A new network of far-right organisations that is specific compared to the previous ones. First, it is not tied to the states of the structure, nor is it in favour of Russia. Ukraine has become a new centre of gathering and financing. A network consisting mostly of younger activists who did not play a special role on the far right in the past. The leaders of this group are the American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo, t and a former member of the far-right Serbian radical party and the founder of the identity movement in Serbia, Aleksandar Vorkapić.
Leviathan “National Defense”
They were led by Pavle Bihaly, a former member of the neo-Nazi Unite force ultras group. They hide their far-right activities by caring for animals.
Serbian party “Zavetnici”
A clerical far-right movement is trying to enter parliament led by Milica Djurdjevic Stemenkovski.
Serbian Right
The Serbian Right is a far-right organisation that is self-determining. It advocates traditionalism, patriotism, a healthy society, and Eurasian integration. The leader of the Serbian Right is Miša Vacić.
Anti-immigrant People’s Patrols
Far-right organizations and individuals gathered around the group “No Surrender of Kosovo and Metohija” in Belgrade and formed People’s Patrols, led by Damnjan Knezevic, to monitor migrants.
The “Dveri” movement
A clerical right-wing movement that advocates the establishment of a “class monarchy” and a symphony of state and church. The leader of this movement is Boško Obradović.
Blood and Honor”Serbia.
Founded on June 25, 1995. The Serbian branch is an organization that gathers domestic Nazi skinheads. Led by Predrag ‘Peca Pop’ Milovanović Đorđe Bojić ‘George’ – importer of neo-Nazi clothing ‘Beloyar.
MC Srbi
The organization was formed in 2012 and is a group of neo-Nazis registered as a Moto Club. This group represents the most organized and most dangerous far-right group in Serbia. Led by Viktor Petrović owner of the club 28 they are very prone to use of physical violence and firearms.
The far right in Serbia chooses groups from the margins (Roma, migrants, LGBTQ population) as their enemies. Organised anti-migrant patrols patrolled the buildings of Serbia and harassed migrants. Attacks on the LGBT population most often take place during Pride Week. Roma are attacked mainly by the Leviathan organisation for alleged animal cruelty. Conflict between far-right groups has always existed, but last year, thanks to the role of American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo, one of the founders of the Rise Above Movement, the split is definitive. The far right is divided into pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian parts.
Status of antifascists in the country
Anti-fascists are mostly active in organising protests when an attack occurs or blockading the streets if the far right wants to march. The most common form of organisation is informal in anti-fascist action. There are anti-fascist organisations in a large number of cities: Belgrade, Novi Sad, Nis, Kragujevac, Sombor, Subotica, and Kraljevo are just some of them. The biggest concern is the safety of vulnerable groups (Roma Migrant LGBTQ activists fighting for human and minority rights of feminist organisations) and preventing discrimination and physical violence against them. Since organisations are at different levels of organisation, those groups that are just starting are helped by the more experienced ones. Cooperation between anti-fascist groups and collectives is at a pretty good level, but the problem is political media and ideological marginalisation by the mainstream. The only conflicts that exist among anti-fascist groups are those on the ideological line because many liberals want to present themselves as anti-fascists and pacify militant anti-fascist organisations. Apart from endangering security, the most significant risks come down to the fact that the repressive organs of the state and most of the political mainstream are on the side of the fascists because they present themselves as patriots and nationalists, which is normalised and concerned positively in Serbia. Mainstream politicians, centre-right, conservatives, and even liberal ones justify the actions of the far right, and anti-fascists are increasingly seen as either as extreme as a fascist only on the other side of the spectrum or as terrorists. Which is a consequence of alt-right propaganda.
Historic developments
The political mainstream normalised nationalism as the ruling political ideology through the wars of the 1990s and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. In Serbia, the attitude of the ruling regimes and the state towards various fascist, extreme right and neo-Nazis groups was, during the entire period from 1990 until today, extremely tolerant and pragmatic. The Milosevic regime instrumentally used fascist organisations as a reserve means of terror during its war policy. After the regime change in 2000, the ruling parties propagated the so-called conservative ideology of “Democratic nationalism”, in which the activities of extreme right groups are presented as something completely normal and politically legitimate, given their predominantly anti-communist orientation. The growing political influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church and its clerical conservatism was, and still is, a significant support to the activities of these organisations and groups. For over two decades, the Serbian Radical Party has been an organisation that brings together mostly all far-right actors in Serbia. The reshuffling of forces on the extreme right has been visible since 2008 when the Serbian Progressive Party SNS was founded with a split within the Serbian Radical Party. After seizing the power of the Serbian Progressive Party SNS led by Aleksandar Vučić, the situation among extreme right-wing organisations has changed drastically. One of the reasons why the far right has so far not had much political support is that the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) has entered the broadest strata of society and covered a large part of the right spectrum, thus passivising the political influence of the far right.
On several occasions, the far right tried to organise mass demonstrations through the organisation of the so-called Serbian March. Each time, anti-fascist organisations managed to prevent these attempts by organising protests and manifestations. Conflicts between the far right and anti-fascists go back two decades and are constant. Several times, anti-fascists have been severely injured, but anti-fascist organisations have been constantly whining about these conflicts since 2005. Even though the political establishment part of the media and police support the far right, anti-fascists are successfully opposing any autonomous attempt of political organisation of the far right. However, there were violent actions taken by fascists and far-right with mortal consequences. In October 1997, two neo-Nazi skinheads murdered thirteen-year-old Roma Dragan Jovanović on the street. In 2001 also, a neo-Nazis member of Blood and Honor murdered famous actor Dragan Maksimović.
The far-right has had several important points in its history. First of all, it is the Disintegration of the SFRY and the war that followed, where they had the opportunity as volunteers to learn how to handle weapons and radicalise; that is the first generation of the far right. Then, the war in Kosovo and the bombing by the NATO pact, where again under arms, they created several myths on which even today their actions are based, the dates of the beginning of the bombing and the battle of Košare. The next point was at the time of the attempt to organise the first Pride in 2001 when part of the far right organisation was constituted on the issue of preventing pride. The last and still current thing is the year 2008, when Kosovo declared independence. On this issue, they successfully recruit primarily young people, who are taught through the education system that Kosovo is still part of Serbia.
The narrative of the far right has changed several times. In the 1990s, they didn’t mind being called Nazi skinheads because no one persecuted them in public for it. After the fall of Slobodan Milosevic’s regime, they adopted the phrase Nationalists / Patriots, which some of them still use, especially when it comes to defending Kosovo and myths about it or defending convicted war criminals Karadzic and Mladic. 2015, when the first wave of migrants arrived in Serbia, and in 2016, after Trump’s victory in the US elections, a new generation of far-rightists began to call themselves sovereigntists or defenders of Christian Europe and identity.
International relationships
Almost all far-right organisations have a very good network of international contacts. Very often, neo-Nazis and far actors from Western and Eastern Europe and the United States of America come to Serbia at the invitation of some of their related organisations, and they are also very often hosted by the institutions of the state of Serbia. In the last few years, Jim Dawson and Nick Griffin visited Serbia at the invitation of Serbian Right, followed by Roberto Fiore from the Italian fascist organisation Forza Nuova. German far-right Gec Kubicek gave a lecture at Matica Srpska. Arno Gujon, who has already been mentioned, reached the place inside of the Serbian government, and his anti-immigrant and extreme right-wing network, which he formed in the north of Kosovo and in Serbia, is on the budget. The last in the line of right-wingers is the American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo. He lived in Serbia from March 2020 to February 2021, and since August, he has been in Belgrade again. Many right-wingers from various countries who committed some crimes have been hiding in Serbia for some time.
This is the case with Ilya Gorjachev, who is suspected of the murder of Stanislav Merkelov and Anastasia Baburova. He hid in Serbia for several months in 2013.
The latest case is that of the former envoy of the Golden Dawn, Christos Papas, who was committed by the Greek court and also found a shelter in the monastery of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Serbia in May last year.
Political landscape
There is currently no parliamentary far-right party in Serbia. Several of them are appearing in the elections, and one of them has already been a member of parliament.
The Dveri movement originated in the mid-1990s and originated from the magazine of the same name. In the year when the Pride Parade 2010 was attempted, this organisation, in response to the Pride Parade, organised the so-called “Family Walk”, in which several thousand people participated, which was held under the slogan of promoting traditional values. The following year, 2011, right-wingers gathered around the magazine and registered a political organisation of the same name. In the 2012 and 2014 elections, they gained about 3% of the vote and failed to pass the census and enter parliament. In the 2016 elections, in a coalition with the Democratic Party of Serbia, they passed the census and entered parliament. They positioned themselves as right-wing opposition to the regime. In 2020, they launched a racist anti-immigrant campaign called “Oslobođenje” ( Liberation) in several cities in Serbia. They did not participate in the 2020 elections and are no longer a parliamentary party.
The Zavetnici movement has been active since 2012. In the 2016 parliamentary elections, Zavetnici remained far below the threshold, with less than one per cent of the vote. In the middle of 2019, Serbian partie Zavetnici claimed that they intend to “Provide an alternative to people who find themselves neither in the governing structure nor in the Alliance for Serbia, as an opposition bloc.” In 2020, they participated in the elections and won 1.5% of the vote
Serbian Right is a far-right organisation founded in June 2018. It has been self-determining from the start by advocating traditionalism, patriotism, a healthy society, and Eurasian integration. The leader of the Serbian right is Miša Vacić. He became known to the general public for inciting hatred towards LGBT people on the Pride parade in 2009. After that, he became the leader of the extreme right-wing movement “1389”, which in 2018 was merged into the newly formed Serbian right. The political connection between the Serbian right and its leader and the government has always been open, so Miša Vacić was briefly appointed in 2017 as an advisor to the director of the Serbian government’s office for Kosovo and Metohija, Marko Đurić. In the 2016 and 2020 elections, the Serbian right participated but brought about 1% of the vote and remained below the threshold.
The Leviathan movement also participated in the 2020 parliamentary elections in a coalition with the anti-vax movement Alive for Serbia, receiving about 0.8% of the vote and remaining outside parliament. Most of the movements and parties of the far right that participate in the elections are close to the ruling party and, with their financial help, participate in the campaign. The main determinants of the parliament’s far-right policy are opposition to Serbia’s entry into Euro-Atlantic integration. In defending Kosovo, not recognise Kosovo as an independent state and opposing Immigrants. Lately, the narrative has shifted due to the pandemic and the refusal to respect anti-COVID measures and vaccination.
Media landscape
Blood and Honor has developed publishing business books, brochures and magazines that propagate neo-Nazi and racist ideology. The far-right generally does not own its media or try to have its own newspapers or publications. Other far-right groups use the mainstream media and the Internet (primarily social networks) to promote their ideas. Their narrative ranges from defending Europe from the invasion of migrants and Serbia as a bulwark of Christianity through the defence of Kosovo to the promotion of racial and national hatred and intolerance. The so-called humanitarian activities have a special place in the narrative, where the far right shows itself as a humanitarian organisation, but behind that again stands nationalism and racism because such organisations help only Serbian Orthodox and whites. The media reports on the far right in a very sensational way, primarily out of context and with little data available. Those organisations are close to the ruling party. In the media, which was close to the regime or in state public services, the opposition received attention from the media.
Financial landscape
Funding of far-right organisations can be divided into several levels, depending on how close the organisation is to the ruling party, whether it is pro-Russian or pro-Ukrainian, and whether it is a party or a movement.
Blood and Honour of Serbia owns several streetwear brands that are very popular among the far right. These are the “Otadžbina”, which also has its store, then the “Avangarda,” the Russian neo-Nazi brand “Beloyar” and “Vandalist.
Organizations and parties close to the ruling party have their own NGOs and their own foundations, which are abundantly financed and supported through the far right in the government and administration (Arno Gujon, but also the Chancellery for Kosovo and Metohija). In that way, the Serbian Right Zavetnici and the Leviathan movement are financed.
The Dveri movement stands out as one of the few organisations funded by Western sources. Their closeness to the German AFD party and their open cooperation so far indicate the sources from which they are financed. Obradović boasted that he had “a long-standing cooperation” with the AfD, and especially with Meuthen. But, he added, “Today we have the chance to meet the co-chairman of the AfD Tin Kurpalla, as well as his parliamentary group in the Bundestag.” the AfD-owned Desiderius-Erasmus-Stiftung unofficially announced that is going to support Obradović and Dveri in Serbia.
The newly formed far-right network run by Robert Rundo and Aleksandar Vorkapic is being funded, according to a streetwear company which Rundo opened in Serbia. However, the Hero Foundation, which is also part of the network, is abundantly financed from the local budgets of Novi Sad and the municipality of Odzaci. There are indications that the Ukrainian Battalion of Azov and the Hungarian far right are involved in financing the new network of the far right.
Reports
Quarterly Reports
Quarterly reports give in-depth insights into the most pressing recent social and political developments in each country as they pertain to the local far-right networks and their international allies.
Introduction & Updates in National Landscape
The New Year in Serbia began where the old one ended, with the tensions in Kosovo and the attempt by international institutions to reach an agreement. On January 6, citizens of Kosovo of Serbian nationality aged 11 and 21 were wounded. Because of this, the Serbs in Štrpac protested, although the attacker was soon arrested. The United States of America and the European Union started a diplomatic offensive, a kind of pressure on the institutions of Serbia and Kosovo, so the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, met with the EU’s special representative for dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina and other regional issues of the Western Balkans, Miroslav Lajčak, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and the US Special Envoy for the Western Balkans, Gabriel Escobar, the foreign and security policy advisers of the President of the Republic of France and the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Emanuel Bonn and Jens Plettner, and the diplomatic adviser to the Prime Minister of the Republic of Italy, Francesco Tala. After the meeting in Belgrade, a meeting was held in Pristina with the officials of the Government of Kosovo. On January 20, President Aleksandar Vučić addressed the nation and informed them of what was agreed. This is a proposal that the government in Belgrade is pushing and insisting on, but it would have the implication of the eventual division of Kosovo into a northern part inhabited by Serbs and a southern part that would belong to Albanians. That would create the impression that there are no losers even though, in practice, the majority has recognized the state of Kosovo for 15 years. However, the content of what Vučić said hints that an agreement would be reached soon. Parliament discussed the proposal and confirmed that it agreed with what is popularly called the German-French proposal. On the other hand, those who are interested in prolonging the tensions, especially Russia, launched a broad campaign to mobilize supporters of the non-recognition of Kosovo, although this was not announced. So that led to the mobilization and actions of the extreme right, both institutional and non-institutional, against this proposal.
Transnational Activities & Group Interactions
The far-right continued its activities after the unsuccessful march to the North of Kosovo in mid-December 2022. Already on January 4, the People’s Patrol and Serbian Action organized a protest against the construction of the Mosque in Mladenovac, a town not far from Belgrade. About 50 people attended the protest full of anti-Islamic slogans. In Kosovska Mitrovica, the People’s Patrols organized a protest together with local Serbs on January 8, and the reason was the wounding of Kosovo Serb citizens in Štrpac on January 6. The protest was called “Stop the Betrayal of Kosovo and Metohija,” and the leader of this group Damjan Knezevic, among others, spoke in front of several hundred people. As the most active far-right group in the last few months, the People’s Patrols painted a mural of the Russian mercenary group Wagner in Belgrade. An advertisement for recruitment by this group appeared on the website of the Russian media “Russia Today Balkan,” but it was soon removed after public protests. The mural painted by the People’s Patrons with the symbol of this extreme right-wing group was destroyed after two days by a local anti-fascist group. Tensions between anti-fascists and far-right groups have increased in recent months, and clashes have become more frequent. On January 16, three members of the far-right group Zentropa tried to attack the owner and guests of the Crni Ovan cafe in Novi Sad, which is a well-known meeting place of Novi Sad anti-fascists. The shop window was smashed, and the right-wingers were taken into custody, but they were soon released, and the prosecution refused to characterize this attack as inciting racial, national, and religious hatred, openly siding with the extreme right. This will certainly cause a further escalation of the conflict that has been going on for some time between the extreme right and the organized anti-fascist movement in Novi Sad. Responding to the address of the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, on January 22, all far-right groups and organizations started a campaign called “Declare the occupation”. Their intention is to force the institutions in Serbia to declare the occupation of Kosovo and to send the Serbian Army to Kosovo under that pretext. That is, the intention is to provoke a conflict at any cost that would decide the signing of any agreement. Propaganda actions of the extreme right are limited to several largest cities in Serbia: Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš. And a large “nationwide protest” due to the signing of the agreement was announced for Serbia’s statehood day on February 15. Zentropa Group continues with international activities after commemorating the anniversary of the death of three Italian fascists 43 years ago, which is an activity within the scope of the international commitment of that day which was celebrated throughout Europe. The owner of Club 451 and Zentropa activist Marko Gajinović was a guest on country currents radio, where he spoke about the history of the far right in Serbia and current campaigns. At the same time, Serbian Action published an interview with the activists of the Polish National Revival they interviewed in December when activists from Poland visited this far-right organization.
Citations:
Stop the construction of the mosque in Mladenovac http://t.me/narodnapatrola https://t.me/narodnapatrola
Protest against the betrayal of Kosovo and Metohija Kosovska Mitrovica https://t.me/narodnapatrola
Wager Mural in Belgrade https://t.me/narodnapatrola
Attack of the far-right on the anti-fascist pub Crni Ovan in Novi Sad https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/napad-crni-ovan-antifasizam/32230696.html
Campaign declare occupation http://t.me/hrabrozakosmeta
Marko Gajinović’s guest appearance on The Writers’ Bloc radio https://odysee.com/@countercurrents:6/ccradio:e
Interview Serbian Action National Revival of Poland – https://akcija.org/intervju-sa-nacionalnim-preporodom-poljske/
Introduction & Updates in National Landscape
The year ended with a major escalation of the conflict in Kosovo. A new crisis broke out because the Kosovo police raided the house of a businessman engaged in the production of wine and confiscated 40,000 liters from him. This action was interpreted by the Serbs in the north as a provocation of the Kosovo authorities, and the clashes started again, and barricades were again set up at the Jarinje and Brnjak border crossings towards Serbia. Barricades have been set up along the north of Kosovo, including the largest city in the north, Kosovska Mitrovica. The government of Serbia interpreted this action as another attack on Serbs and encouraged the building of barricades. The violation and cancellation of the Brussels agreement were also mentioned on both sides. The attempt by the Kosovo police to remove the barricade at the border crossing caused physical clashes between the police and the protesters. The international community expressed its concern and announced a diplomatic offensive in order to continue the negotiation process. The authorities in Serbia did not need a conflict, and they could not even endure it, although the new government announced that the police and the army would return to Kosovo, so the minister of defense even sent a request to the international forces to allow the Serbian army to enter Kosovo, but this request was rejected. As many times in the last two decades, the government in Serbia is using the tensions in Kosovo to divert the population’s attention from other existential issues. Inflation, which reached almost 20%, and the increase in the price of all services as well as rents, fell into the background because of the national reason of “defense Kosovo.” In essence, it is about trying to put pressure on the international community from both sides and taking the best possible negotiating position in the agreements that will inevitably follow very soon. One of the worst consequences of heating nationalist tensions is that it opens up a platform for far-right activities.
As expected, the tensions eventually ended, and the barricades were dismantled by order of the President of the Republic of Serbia; this shows that the ruling elite in Serbia was behind the attempt to destabilize the situation all the time due to the negotiations that were expected already in January, which will follow after the New Year holidays. Summing up the previous year, it can be said that it was marked by Russian aggression against Ukraine, which consequently led to the growth of the far right everywhere in Europe. In the Western Balkans, especially in Serbia, the far right used the pro-Russian sentiment of the majority of the population to improve its political position and take new positions. The result is the parliamentary growth and organizational strengthening of the pro-Russian far right, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary. The far right, under the control of the ruling political structures such as the Serbian right and Leviathan movement, has almost become invisible because it has completely integrated into the system. This corresponds to the beginning of the construction of new structures whose commander-in-chief does not sit in the presidential cabinet in Serbia but in the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Belgrade.
Transnational Activities & Group Interactions
The far-right has carried out its program in relation to the renewed tensions and conflicts in Kosovo, and it boils down to not recognizing the Brussels agreement or anything that was signed after resolution 1244 of the United Nations. They insisted on declaring the occupation of Kosovo and that instead of forming a community of Serbian municipalities, the army and police should return to Kosovo. After the escalation of the conflict in Kosovo on December 7th, the far-right groups gathered in Belgrade on December 12th. At that time, all pro-Russian groups, led by the People’s Patrol and the Serbian Action, demanded that the army and police return to Kosovo and announced a march towards Kosovo in order to support the people. The march started on December 18th, and several hundred extreme right-wingers and football hooligans participated. The police of the Republic of Serbia did not allow the gathered far-rightists to cross the border. In the conflict that followed, the cordon was breached, but the accumulation of additional police forces prevented the right-wingers from crossing the border crossing. Many of them were arrested, but they were soon released, and no proceedings were taken against them.
Citations:
December 12, a rally of the extreme right in support of the Serbian people in Kosovo – https://t.me/hrabrozakosmetat/765
Protest in Belgrade on December 12 – https://t.me/narodnapatrola/504
Gathering at Jarinje on December 18 – https://t.me/narodnapatrola/507
Attempt to cross the border by Serbian extreme right-wingers and conflict with the police – https://t.me/narodnapatrola/511
Introduction & Updates in National Landscape
Tensions in Kosovo continue. On the Kosovo side, Prime Minister Albin Kurti is determined to put the Kosovo institutions in the whole country, including the North, under the supervision of the Government, and on the other hand, the Government of the Republic of Serbia raises the temperature because it announces that the Serbs will leave the Kosovo institutions completely. That announcement was followed by a gathering of Serbs in North Mitrovica. However, that led to threats from Pristina that the police and the judiciary would act against those who rebelled. Conflicts and tensions continue, and for now, no one can say with certainty whether they represent the end of the solution to the Kosovo problem or the beginning of some kind of new conflict.
Transnational Activities & Group Interactions
After reduced activity in October, far-right groups and organizations are back in full swing. The youth and “far-right humanitarian” organization Rudder( Kormilo) was especially active in the international field. First, with the participation of far-right groups from Italy (Bloco studetesco and Act), they celebrated November 11, when World War One was practically over.
The Rudder delegation went to Poland and participated in the traditional march of far-right organizations there. The cooperation of the far right from Serbia and Poland goes back two decades and began with the cooperation between Poland and the Serbian Blood and Honor Division at the beginning of the 21st century. There are frequent messages of support for the Serbian far-right in the fight for the return of Kosovo to Serbia from Poland, both in stadiums and at far-right gatherings.
Apart from the connections between the Blood and Honor divisions, the connections between the Serbian Action and the national revival of Poland (Narodowe Odrodzenie) are also very well known.
The neo-Nazi network “Blood and Honor,” which has been active in Serbia since 1995 and has its own club called “Club 28” inside the Garage club in Belgrade, has announced that they will organize a festival of neo-Nazi bands from November 17 to 19 in Belgrade. Hundreds of Nazi skinheads and other white racists from all over Europe and the United States of America were supposed to gather at the festival. The performances of the bands Iz Revolta (Belgrade), Providenje (Jagodina), Kristalna Noć (Kragujevac), as well as groups from Europe Hobbit (Italy), Mistreat (Finland), Obled (Poland), Skurnshot (Greece), Saubande (Czech Republic) and Whitelaw (UK) have also been announced. In the song “Naša scena”Our Scene the band “From revolt” chants “Serbia to the Serbs,” while in the track “One people,” the music is borrowed from the Polish neo-Nazi band Konkwista 88. Providence and Crystal Night were once the “official bands” of the Serbian division “Blood and Honor” – Combat 18, a neo-Nazi skinhead network that operates in Serbia and Republika Srpska. The concert is planned to take place in the club “Garage,” The organizer of this “festival” is the neo-Nazi group Club 28, which in October 2020 planned to hold a concert in the BIGZ building in memory of Jan Stewart Donaldson, the leader of the international neo-Nazi skinhead network “Blood and Honor,” who died in a traffic accident. accident in 1993.
The timely reaction of the anti-fascist public prevented that concert.
Thanks to the involvement of local anti-fascist groups in Belgrade and Novi Sad, this festival also was not held; that is, the organizers canceled the festival due to public pressure and threats from the police that the gathering would be banned. At the end of the month, that is, on November 25-26, the second far-right book fair was held in Belgrade. The “fair” was held on the premises of club 451 in Belgrade and on the property of the Zentropa group, which was the official host of the event, a dozen other far-right publishers and publishing houses, such as “Ishodiste,” which emerged from the banned far-right organization Obraz, or “Catena Mundi,” which associated with the far-right parliamentary movement Gates (Dveri), as well as the publications and books of the far-right organization Carostavnik, which functions as a club and the heritage of the ideas of the fascist movement Zbor and Dimitrije Ljotić, who was an original fascist between the two wars, and a collaborator and Nazi servant during the war.
Citations:
https://t.me/kormilo_srbija/416 – Kormilo and the Italian organization act commemorating the victory in the First World War
https://t.me/kormilo_srbija/420 – Polish march
https://t.me/carostavnik/336– Extreme right-wing book fair
https://nova.rs/kultura/skinhedski/?fbclid=IwAR2MaXgkEwDNOI42XY7lQy7_hQh8pUM0vYGaPkkeoY2CUOTYLKnfnHRHyRk– Announcement of blood and Honour concert in Belgrade
In the first week of February in Belgrade, at the Farenhait 451 club owned by Zentropa, an organization from the far right network organized by Robert Rundo, anonced a concert by a neo-Nazi who calls herself Ewiger Sturm. The concert was canceled due to the timely action of the anti-fascists and due to public pressure. On February 21, a group of far-right groups from Belgrade gathered in a network of Belgrade nationalists organized a day of remembrance for Zoran Vujovic, a far-right activist who died in 2008 while trying to set fire to the United States embassy in Belgrade. The gathering was attended by about 60 members of the far right from Belgrade and the surrounding area. On February 24. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine began. The authorities in Serbia have decided not to impose sanctions on Russia, and thus Serbia has become one of the few countries in Europe that has not done so. The division on the far right between the pro-Russian and the pro-Ukrainian far right, which has existed since last year and a half, has become even deeper. The network of far right groups gathered in the organization Belgrade Nationalists was quite passive and calls for an end to the war. While the pro-Russian side, which is much bigger, is much more aggressive and openly supports Russia in the aggression and Putin in the occupation of Ukraine. So on March 4. pro-Russian organizations of the far right organized a rally in support of Russia. The rally was formally organized by the anti-migrant organization People’s Patrol, but all far-right groups participated in the rally, whether they support the government or are in opposition.Few thousand people from all pro russian far right gathered in center of Belgrade. Organisation was split between People’s patrol, forbidden far right organisation Obraz and Gates(Dveri) movemnt. They gathered in front of the monument of tzar Nikolai II in Belgrade, and after the speeches walk to Russian and Belorussian embassy. In the meantime, the Serbian government condemned the Russian aggression against Ukraine, but that did not stop the pro-Russian media and the far right from continuing to support the aggression. On several occasions, a caravan of cars was organized through Belgrade with the symbols of the Russian imperial state in support of Russian aggression. The far-right Leviathan movement even tried to found a Serbian-Russian party and thus participated in the elections that will be held in Serbia on April 3, but they did not succeed. News about volunteers from Serbia who are going to the front in Ukraine, in Donbas, has appeared on several occasions, but so far it has not been officially confirmed that there is an organized detachment from Serbia on the battlefield. Some veterans of the wars in Yugoslavia in the 1990s have been in the Donbass region since the first conflict in 2014, but so far there is no confirmed information that anyone is leaving Serbia for Ukraine in an organized manner.
At the end of December, a new organization called “Eco Revolutionary Action” was founded. The organization is part of the Belgrade Nationalists network, which was formed last year by the American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo. The new organization is in fact part of the far-right neo-Nazi scene that is trying to impose itself with an eco-fascist program. They appeared in December at environmental protests and roadblocks organized throughout Serbia. For now, the organization exists only in Belgrade and is active on social networks and neo-Nazi telegram groups. Their symbol is the green Leben rune on a black-green background. They try to promote the ideology of eco-fascism and very often quote Petti Lincola, a Finnish eco-fascist.
For the beginning of February, on 4th of February the far-right network of Belgrade nationalists, more precisely one organization from that network, is planning to commemorate the suicide of Milan Nedić, the president of the Serbian collaborationist government from the Second World War.
Key developments
Summarizing the activities of the far-right parties of the movement and organizations in the previous year, we come to several conclusions.
First, a new network of far-right organizations was constituted, which is specified in relation to the previous ones. First, it is not tied to the state structures, nor is it in favour of Russia. On the contrary, Ukraine has become a new center of gathering and financing. Robert Rundo, with his influence and connections in the Azov Battalion and their funds. He was cruised across the Balkans and Central Europe and managed to establish this network in Serbia, consisting of mostly younger activists who may be known to the police but did not play a special role on the far right so far. He managed to use the smoldering conflict between the two currents, which was not related to whether they are in favor of Russia or Ukraine, but more generation gap conflict, and now the far right is divided into pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian part. The Russian part of the scene is still much bigger and numerically stronger because it is connected with certain parts of the government and instructed from that side and relatively well financed. That part of the scene consists of the “Leviathan National Defense” Which started as an organization who protect animal right , the Serbian organization Zavetnici, the Serbian Right and the People’s Patrols. There are organizations that are not under the direct control of the regime, but are indirectly connected with pro-Russian interests and capital. On the other hand, there is the network of Robert Rundo, which is connected with the Ukrainian battalion Azov and their finances. It is seemingly more vital and autonomous in actions. It does not serve the regime as an infantry on the street. Finally, there are the remnants of the former subcultural neo-Nazi scene embodied in organizations such as Blood and Honor United Force and MC Serbs.
None of these organizations has managed to put itself at the head of the anti-wax movement, and the regime seems to control it well. None of them does not have a great force in terms of numbers, except perhaps the DVERI that have about 5,000 members in Serbia, but their policy is less focused on the street and violence and more on parliament, which does not mean that they are not dangerous.
Differentiation on the far right is almost complete and we have to follow their work. The relative growth and expansion they experienced in the first half of the year was stifled by state actions (expulsion of the Rundo) and anti-fascists actions against them, the absolute absence of an alternative on the left and the economic crisis and the ensuing information resulting from a two-year pandemic lead to growing dissatisfaction and perhaps turning part of the population to the extreme solutions they offer. The emergence of the Erasmus Foundation and the funding of clerical and far-right policies and DVERI movement projects will certainly help the extreme right in Serbia to have a greater impact.
Analysis
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